Monday, July 2, 2012

Anti-Israel German activist lied about IDF service


BERLIN – A German poet and anti-Israel activist has acknowledged that she fabricated her supposed service in the IDF during the First Lebanon war.

“I said I was in the IDF,” but “it was a lie,” Irena Wachendorff, 51, told The Jerusalem Post, in a telephone interview on Friday. She has termed strong pro- Israel activists “the neo-Nazi troop among the Jews,” and expressed support for Hamas in the Gaza Strip.
As an 18-year-old, she said, she left Germany for Israel and wanted to serve in the army, adding that she was in Israel when the IDF went into Lebanon to stop cross-border terrorist attacks, in a preliminary to the First Lebanon War, and departed Israel after six weeks. Asked why she lied, she said she was “ashamed” of her failure. Wachendorff further claims that her father is Jewish and fled to England in 1936, and her mother survived Auschwitz.The Post and Jennifer Pyka, a dogged investigative journalist in Munich, obtained evidence that contradicted Wachendorff’s alleged Jewish identity.
According to Pyka’s investigative essay, Wachendorff’s father, Raymund, served in the German Army during the Third Reich and her mother, Barbara, denies being incarcerated in Auschwitz.
Wachendorff admitted to the Post on Friday that her father was an officer in the Wehrmacht. She asserted on Facebook that her father served as an “adviser to a rabbi and a tzadik.” She could offer no proof that the former army officer performed advisory work for rabbis.
Wachendorff wrote on Facebook that her mother was “four months in Auschwitz” and has a “tattooed number on her arm.”
Wachendorff, however, told the Post that she could not recall the name of the extermination camp where her mother was imprisoned and that there is “something” on her mother’s arm, but she cannot identify whether it is a number. After Friday’s Post interview, Wachendorff closed her Facebook account on Saturday.
In a telephone interview on Saturday, Pyka told the Post that she smelled a fraudulent history almost two years ago and unraveled a string of deceptions and contradiction in Wachendorff’s Facebook assertions. In a long essay that appeared late last month on the German website Die Achse des Guten (The Axis of Good), Pyka uncovered a series of alleged half-truths and lies. Spiegel Online and the cultural website Perlentaucher cited Pyka’s expose as one of the top blog entries of the week.
Wachendorff repeatedly told the Post, “I am Jewish. I am member of a liberal Jewish community and I am not anti- Semitic.” According to Pyka’s research, there is no documentation supporting Wachendorff’s assertions that she is Jewish or a member of a German Jewish community.
Pyka sharply criticized Wachendorff for having traded on the tragedy of the Holocaust for personal and commercial gain. It is “perverse and brazen that Wachendorff presents herself as a Jew and the daughter of Holocaust survivors and engages in educational work in schools about anti-Semitism and Jewish life in the Third Reich,” she said.“Six million dead Jews serve her own publicity and at the same time she undertakes a perfidious victim-perpetrator inversion to damage Israel and all Jews,” the journalist said. Pyka summed up the growing scandal: “The entire thing is a Grusical [comic horror musical] that is made in Germany and only those who are themselves fake Jews or anti- Semites can stage and applaud the Grusical.” Ruprecht Polenz, a senior deputy in the Bundestag, vehemently defends the anti- Israel activist’s work.Polenz, the head of the Bundestag’s Foreign Affairs Committee, welcomed a group of Iranian lawmakers to Berlin last year. He has served as Wachendorff’s main advocate. In an email to the Post, he declined to provide specific comments on the string of alleged lies from Wachendorff. In addition to being under fire for defending Wachendorff, critics accuse the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) deputy of allowing his Facebook site to be turned into a magnet for jihadists, raging anti-Semites, haters of Israel and extremist leftists. In a number of entries examined by the Post, which appeared on Polenz’s Facebook, writers posted “that rich, industrial Jews planned the genocide on the Jewish people in order to create Israel.” In another entry, Darwisch Salman Khorassani wrote that if “USREAL [Israel and the US] attack, I will register as a suicide bomber. Not from Islamic motives but from pure humanistic motives.”
http://www.jpost.com/International/Article.aspx?id=275840


Sunday, June 3, 2012

german expertise in burning corpses

unlike deniers/revisionist, germans had enough expertise to burn their own and their victims corpses in crematoriums and outdoors as well. burning the victims of drezden bombings, march 1945. soviet POW were usualy the stokers.
http://www.holocaust-history.org/~dkeren/cremation/dresden.shtml

Sunday, May 27, 2012

van Jungs, father and son



Mark van Jung was one of the richest men in estonia between the wars , owner of several wool and flax mills- factories in Sindi , Pärnu and elsewhere which were of course nationalized in 1940. As bourgeois element, family were listed for deportation by the soviets in 1941. For unknown reason they were not, and remained in Tallinn at the time the germans took the city. Van Jung was soon arrested by the nazis, but unlike other jews that all were shot , he was released after lengthy interrogation, where he maintained, that his father was dutch and mother of karaim descent. - More likely, IMHO man had still ressourses to bribe or/and blackmail SD personal - locals, to believe that. Its unclear, what he did and if he provided services to the nazis. however his wife, Elsa - nee Feitelberg didn't survive. By estonian sources, she was advised by her husband to give herself up and perished in nov. 1941. Remarkably, nkvd (kgb)files indicate, that Van Jung was their operative before and after the war. He was not prosecuted after the war and lived quite comfortably. he died in late 50_is.
Mark van Jung - likely, before the war


Viktor van Jung, before the war


Viktor in his 70_is

Viktor was mobilized in Red army and was taken by germans as POW in  Saaremaa in the nov. 1944.
he didn't returned to the soviets after the war but went to americans and was employed by CIA.


Sunday, April 29, 2012

estonia 1940. year before holocaust - reference pics.

triumphant return of delegation that went to moscow, to beg  incorporation of estonia into the USSR


Juliana Telman, Olga & Johannes Lauristin, Neeme Ruus.

 Maksim Unt & Orest Kärm, left. blond, aryan in between, Erich Tarkpea.

 Nadežda Tihonova, Johannes Lauristin, Paul Keerdo, Johannes Vares, Karl Säre and Neeme Ruus
jewish guy, second left, Jossif Goldmann.



 
chairman of  parlament, Arnold Veimer  

on the roof of hotell Moskva
prime-minister of estonian SSR Johannes Vares-Barbarus and its foreign minister Nigol Andresen


historian Hans Kruus was  deputy prime-minister in  Vares cabinet.
 
tearing down the estonian flag. 'TALL HERMANN' tower Tallinn 21.06.1940
by Edgar Petree, Karl Leesik, Aleksander Resev and unknown persons in bright casket and top hat.
  
pro-soviet demo in early days, still under national flag.


summer 1940. athlets demand estonia to become part of  ussr

Gala dedicated to XXII anniversary of russia's bolshevik revolution in Estonia
Tallinn, 7th nov. 39. choir most probably delivers 'international'

Candidates of the first, under stalin, elections (12.1.1941). "noorte hääl", december 1940.
( zoom for the names.)

 estonian NKVD people. boris kumm in center, idel jakobson, leftmost,
v.riis nearest right

 segei kingissepp
notorious  NKVD interrogator,lost his life in sea, during evacuation in last days of august 41



idel jakobson
his deputy.police mugshote.

 minister of interior in earlydays of ESSR, Maksim Unt
was executed  for unknown reason  in july 1941.


Commissioner of the Interior Affairs of the ESSR,
Andrei Murro.
seems, lost his life during evacuation of tallinn  in last days of august 41


carl säre
was assigned for underground work in estonia, was apprehended in the first days, germans took
tallinn. he was interrogated in various places. traces of him lost after 43.
Vastupidiselt kohalikele aktivistidele oli ENSV tippkommunistidele ülisalajase operatsiooni eesmärk teada ning nad kuulusid kuritegeliku kolmiku ehk nn troika koosseisu, vastutades ülesande täitmise eest. ENSV tippkolmiku koosseisu kuulusid kompartei I sekretär Karl Säre, riikliku julgeoleku rahvakomissar Boris Kumm ja siseasjade rahvakomissar Andrei Murro. Igas maakonnas olid oma kolmikud. Näiteks Pärnumaalt on teada: maakonna troika esimees NKGB ülem Kikkas ja liikmed NKVD kohalik ülem Johan Tamm ning Pärnumaa NKGB ülema asetäitja Gnezdin.
Kult& Elu
The mass deportation from Estonia
was directed by the troika including People’s State
Security Commissioner of the Estonian SSR, Boris Kumm,
People’s Commissioner of the Interior Affairs of the ESSR,
Andrei Murro and First Secretary of the Estonian
Communist Party (Bolsheviks), Karl Säre.
first time 7_th nov. celebration in tallinn. tarkpea and säre greet masses in 'heil hitler' manner.




in kremlin, aug. 1940
in nearest row; Ruus, Lauristin, Vares


jubilant crowd meet 'beggars' delegation on their arrival from moscow .

the same in latvia 

 
 riga



Top row: Minister-President A.Kirhenshteyn, Minister of War gene. R.Dambit Interior Minister V.Latsis Comrade. Interior Minister V.Latkovsky. Bottom row: Minister of Public Affairs P.Blau, minister of public welfare Yu.Latsic Justice Minister Yu.Paberz, Minister of Posts Ya.Yagars.

and lithuania
 Justas Paleckis speaks to masses. short individual next to him, Dekanozov.


TALLINN 28 aug 41, the end of 1st soviet occupation and beginning of nazi's

pics are from Oskar Viikholm collection and EFA archive.





Thursday, April 12, 2012

joffe bros

joffe brothers; left grigori, right - simon.

from voldemar pinn "punane terror ja läänemaa". haapsalu 1990

Tuesday, April 10, 2012

hans grabe case.

 before the soviets, in 1930 _ties

hans (heiman) grabe was prosecutor assigned with estonian army cor of red army, was dismissed for not beeing harsh enough with those, incompetent and funky, was denounced again on EC(b) P VIII plenum , march 1950 as an explicit zionist.

Monday, April 9, 2012

WHEN GENERAL GRANT EXPELLED THE JEWS


http://www.nytimes.com/2012/04/05/books/when-general-grant-expelled-the-jews-by-jonathan-d-sarna.html?_r=1&ref=books

April 4, 2012
The Exodus From Paducah, 1862


By JANET MASLIN


WHEN GENERAL GRANT EXPELLED THE JEWS
By Jonathan D. Sarna


Jonathan D. Sarna’s provocative new book, “When General Grant Expelled the
Jews,” is exactly what it sounds like: an account of how Gen. Ulysses S.
Grant issued an order to expel Jews from their homes in the midst of the
Civil War. Anyone seeking to rock the Passover Seder with political debate
will find the perfect conversation piece in Mr. Sarna’s account of this
startling American story.
There are good reasons that the document known as General Orders No. 11
has remained only a footnote to Civil War history. Argument endures about
what Grant meant, how much damage his order inflicted and how significant
this act of explicit anti-Semitism really was. But the incontrovertible
part of the story is that the perception of profiteering in Paducah, Ky.,
and his tendency to use the words “profiteer” and “Jew” interchangeably,
provoked a written outburst from Grant, commander of the Territory of the
Department of the Tennessee, which included Paducah.
On Dec. 17, 1862, Grant issued the order that read: “The Jews, as a class
violating every regulation of trade established by the Treasury Department
and also department orders, are hereby expelled from this department
within 24 hours from the receipt of this order.” While this mandate
conformed to Grant’s pattern of associating Jews with illicit business
activities, the exact reasons for his action are anything but clear. What
is clear is that on Jan. 4, 1863, one week from the day (Dec. 28, 1862) on
which Paducah’s Jews were actually expelled, President Abraham Lincoln
ordered Grant to revoke the controversial edict.
What tangible damage did the expulsion do? Very little, as far as Mr.
Sarna, chief historian at the National Museum of American Jewish History
and the co-editor of “Jews and the Civil War: A Reader” can tell. He can
provide no individual accounts of families fleeing the order, no more than
four affidavits about the expulsion and no reports of physical hardship
beyond those who claimed they had been jailed briefly, treated roughly or
forbidden from changing out of wet clothes. It is not the magnitude of the
incident that makes it so enduring, ugly or willfully ignored.
The reaction of one Jewish merchant in Paducah, Cesar Kaskel, touched off
a firestorm. He took off on what Mr. Sarna calls a “Paul Revere-like ride
to Washington.” He alerted and roused the press. And he managed, through a
congressman, to gain access to Lincoln, who “turned out to have no
knowledge whatsoever of the order, for it had not reached Washington.”
Here is an excerpt from the overblown conversation Kaskel claimed to have
had with Lincoln:
Lincoln: “And so the children of Israel were driven from the happy land of
Canaan?”
Kaskel: “Yes, and that is why we have come unto Father Abraham’s bosom,
asking protection.”
Lincoln: “And this protection they shall have at once.”
The real effects of Grant’s action took the form of similarly extreme,
sometimes hyperbolic responses from American Jews. Suddenly everything
about them, including the question of exactly what “American Jews” means
in terms of allegiance, was part of the debate. Mr. Sarna delivers a
careful, warts-and-all accounting of the ugliness surrounding all sides of
this incident, right down to quoting the fearful, competitive, even
hostile attitude some Jews held toward newly freed slaves. Lincoln’s
Emancipation Proclamation had arrived on Jan. 1, 1863, right between the
enforcement and revocation of Grant’s order.
“Historians, understandably, have played down this fear, not wishing to
besmirch the reputations of some of American Jewry’s most illustrious
leaders whose words, in retrospect, are painful to read,” Mr. Sarna
writes.
“Painful” is an understatement.
One of the most egregious came from Isaac Leeser, editor of The Occident,
a Jewish publication: “Why are tears shed for the sufferings of the
African in his bondage, by which his moral condition has been immensely
improved, in spite of all that may be alleged to the contrary, whereas for
the Hebrews every one has words of contempt or acts of violence?”
But it is the long-range repercussions of Grant’s order, and the Jews’
enduring anger about it, that prompt the most disturbing aspects of Mr.
Sarna’s story. When Grant ran for president in 1868, his treatment of Jews
became campaign fodder for Democrats seeking to defeat him. The Jewish
vote was not numerically large enough to sway the election; still, the
issue became highly inflammatory. Vengeful rhetoric against Grant sounds
even worse now than it did at the time, as in “General Grant and the
Jews,” a pamphlet that threatened that Jews would vote “as a class,” just
as Grant had described them:
“We are numerous, we are wealthy, we are influential, we are diffused over
the whole continent, we are as one family; wherever our influence reaches,
every Jew — no matter of what political party — every Jew, with the voters
he can command, will endeavor to defeat, and with God’s blessing, will
defeat you!” This argument is an anti-Semite’s dream. It may also be an
anti-Semite’s handiwork, since the pamphlet was ascribed to a pseudonymous
author and signed “A Jew.”
Grant had a legitimate some-of-my-best-friends-are-Jewish case to make. He
appointed Jews to some prominent positions in his administration. He also
inveighed on behalf of human rights when Jews in Russia and Romania were,
like those from Paducah, threatened with expulsion. And he attended the
dedication of a synagogue in Washington, surprising other attendees by
sitting through a three-hour ceremony. Grant also let it be known that his
original order “would never have been issued if it had not been
telegraphed the moment it was penned, and without reflection.”
Mr. Sarna’s book is part of a prestigious series matching prominent Jewish
writers with intriguingly fine-tuned topics. (Also published or
forthcoming: “Burnt Books,” “Judah Maccabee,” “The Dairy Restaurant” and
“Mrs. Freud.”) One of the book’s purposes is to put the Grant episode into
its proper context. To that end Mr. Sarna places undue emphasis on the
narrow question of whether Grant ultimately “earned” the support and
forgiveness of Jews. But he also asks how any voter balances self-interest
with patriotic conviction if the two are at odds — as they were when the
General Grant who expelled Jewish citizens became Candidate Grant,
courting Jewish votes for the presidency.
“No final decision ever resolved this debate,” he writes.


Lee Perlman
Massachusetts Institute of Technology